Politics
/
April 25, 2025
In his first three months in office, Trump’s ire has been particularly ferocious on two policy areas: immigration and higher education.
Protesters hold signs as they march toward the White House during a “Hands Off!” protest of President Donald Trump’s policies and executive actions in Washington, DC, on April 19, 2025.
(Richard Pierrin / AFP via Getty Images)
Over the last three months, the Trump administration has taken a blowtorch to constitutional limits in two policy areas in particular—that of immigration and that of the federal government’s relationship with institutions of higher education.
On immigration, Trump 2.0 has used extraordinary measures, such as invoking the Alien Enemies Act of 1798, to deport people without any due process. Trump recently posted on Truth Social that he is “entitled” to deport people alleged to be criminals even if they have not been tried. Despite growing opposition from the courts, the administration has barreled ahead, sending alleged gang members to the CECOT super-max prison in El Salvador. The White House has made it clear that it has no intention of seeking the return of Kilmar Abrego Garcia, who was sent to CECOT despite a court order prohibiting his return to El Salvador. And the Trump administration has even canceled the Social Security numbers of legal immigrants by declaring them dead—a particularly Orwellian action since it knows they are very much alive. Trump has further militarized the US border, and is toying with the idea—thankfully, so far not implemented—of invoking the Insurrection Act to allow the military a more direct role in policing that border and arresting those trying to cross into the United States from Mexico.
Current Issue
Should Trump start posting on Truth Social about the need for that act to be invoked, no one ought to expect the feckless Peter Hegseth, at Defense, or the endlessly opportunistic Pam Bondi, at Justice, to push back.
On higher education, Trump 2.0 lost no time in strong-arming Columbia University into accepting a shameful deal that gives the government an oversight role over large parts of the university. It has used the withdrawal of valuable federal grants in the sciences to try to bludgeon Harvard, Yale, Brown, the University of Pennsylvania, Johns Hopkins, and many other elite universities; it has threatened to sic the IRS on Harvard by withdrawing its tax-exempt status; and, with Harvard’s administration refusing to bend the knee, has intimated that it may seek to punish the university further by withdrawing the credentials that allow it to accept international students.
In many instances—as with the imprisonment in immigration detention facilities of activists such as Mahmoud Khalil and the revocation of student visas for people protesting the war in Gaza—it has overlapped its twin obsessions, marshaling ICE and other immigration agencies in an orchestrated campaign to instill fear on the campuses and stifle dissent. This is, of course, straight out of the authoritarian playbook of aspiring dictators like Vladimir Putin in Russia and Viktor Orbán in Hungary.
GOP state legislatures have been taking cues from the White House and are similarly clamping down on academic freedom and the due process rights of immigrants. They’re also taking cues from Florida, which, along with Texas, has become something of a beachhead for the implementation of awful policy ideas. In 2023, Florida Governor Ron DeSantis orchestrated a takeover of the board of trustees of New College of Florida. When Trump returned to the White House, he took Florida’s assault on New College as his model. Now, in turn, the feds are egging on Florida to further eviscerate student rights and other states to follow their example.
This month, in a chilling development, many Florida campus administrations have, at the behest of the state government, signed memoranda of understandings with ICE essentially deputizing campus police to help identify undocumented students and enforce immigration laws.
So far, at least 10 universities, including Florida A&M and the above-mentioned New College, have entered into such agreements. Two more are in the process of negotiating MOUs. By month’s end, all state universities in Florida will be operating as extensions of ICE. Campus police in Florida will be able to question, arrest, and detain students suspected of immigration violations—a shocking departure from the idea that campuses are supposed to be a safe haven for students.
In Texas this month, legislators approved a law, SB 37, that would empower anyone in the state to file complaints against universities and specific faculty members who they believe are teaching history, sociology, gender studies, or any other social science in a way that they do not approve of. If a state committee, made up of political appointees, agrees with the grievance and deems the course “ideological,” it could pull university funding. If someone teaches a history of the LGBTQ+ movement or paints an unflattering portrait of the United States, it could similarly place the school’s funding and the professor’s career in jeopardy.
Legislators pitched this as a way to ensure academic diversity and protect against liberal bias in the classroom; in reality, it is creating an incentive structure for conservatives to go hunting for academics—similar to how SB 8 paved the way for vigilante lawsuits against people involved in providing, or helping women access, abortion services. If anyone didn’t get the point, Texas’s political leadership made sure to shout it from the rooftops; shortly after its passage, Lieutenant Governor Dan Patrick declared on X that “looney [sic] Marxist UT professors should find a friendly blue state to move to so we can fill their roles with quality conservative professors who will teach critical thinking.”
This sort of legislation is McCarthyism, along with its loyalty oaths, updated for the Trump era—the obsessions may be slightly different, but the chilling effect is largely the same.
In Indiana, a new law aims to neuter tenure—and the academic protections and freedom of speech guarantees that tenure provides—by requiring faculty at state universities to undergo a tenure review every five years to make sure they are encouraging “intellectual diversity.” The clear subtext is that those who teach ideas that MAGA commissars dislike could lose their tenure and income. The bill is similar to one already on the books in Florida, which led nearly half of the tenured faculty in state institutions who responded to an American Association of University Professors survey to report that they were looking for jobs out of state.
Popular
“swipe left below to view more authors”Swipe →
Indiana is hardly an outlier. Seven other Republican-controlled state legislatures—Arkansas, Kansas, Kentucky, Nebraska, North Dakota, Ohio, and Texas—are also considering GOP bills to curtail or eliminate university tenure.
If these bills pass, they will accelerate a decline in tenure long in the making. An American Association of University Professors study this past February showed a precipitous decline in the percentage of faculty who are tenured over the last 40 years. Ongoing GOP efforts will make academic jobs even more contingent on the whims of local and national political leaders.
Meanwhile, when it comes to the war on immigrants and enforcing harsh policies in academic settings, hard-line GOP legislators in Tennessee have decided not to stop at the universities but to move to attempt to strip undocumented children of their right to a K-12 schooling. This effort—which is similar to one that California voters attempted via citizen initiative in the early 1990s, only for it to be struck down by the US Supreme Court—was put on hold after a public outcry, but it’s in keeping with a slew of other recent moves in GOP-led states.
Several legislators in Texas and in Indiana are proposing similar measures to the Tennessee bill. And in Oklahoma, a conservative state board of education recently pushed to require schools to request and store details on children’s and parents’ immigration status, by mandating that parents require proof of citizenship or legal status, or a declaration of undocumented status, when enrolling kids. Ultimately, that proved a bridge too far even for the GOP governor, who nixed the effort in mid-February.
All of this stands in contrast to blue states that, increasingly, are looking to pass legislation aimed at preventing ICE agents from accessing their schools or from staking out the streets in the immediate vicinity of schools. And when Department of Homeland Security agents recently attempted to enter two Los Angeles elementary schools in pursuit of five undocumented children whom they somehow had decided were national security threats, school officials refused the agents entry and were subsequently backed up by the Los Angeles Unified School District superintendent.
More so by the day, the stories of immigration and of educational freedom are becoming the stories of two Americas. Blue America is doing its best to protect immigrants and defend the integrity of schools and universities in the face of a federal onslaught; meanwhile, red America is increasingly serving as handmaid to a Trump administration heedless both of the rule of law and of the most basic notions of decency.
The chaos and cruelty of the Trump administration reaches new lows each week.
Trump’s catastrophic “Liberation Day” has wreaked havoc on the world economy and set up yet another constitutional crisis at home. Plainclothes officers continue to abduct university students off the streets. So-called “enemy aliens” are flown abroad to a mega prison against the orders of the courts. And Signalgate promises to be the first of many incompetence scandals that expose the brutal violence at the core of the American empire.
At a time when elite universities, powerful law firms, and influential media outlets are capitulating to Trump’s intimidation, The Nation is more determined than ever before to hold the powerful to account.
In just the last month, we’ve published reporting on how Trump outsources his mass deportation agenda to other countries, exposed the administration’s appeal to obscure laws to carry out its repressive agenda, and amplified the voices of brave student activists targeted by universities.
We also continue to tell the stories of those who fight back against Trump and Musk, whether on the streets in growing protest movements, in town halls across the country, or in critical state elections—like Wisconsin’s recent state Supreme Court race—that provide a model for resisting Trumpism and prove that Musk can’t buy our democracy.
This is the journalism that matters in 2025. But we can’t do this without you. As a reader-supported publication, we rely on the support of generous donors. Please, help make our essential independent journalism possible with a donation today.
In solidarity,
The Editors
The Nation
More from
Sasha Abramsky
What’s going on here fits the description of “fascism” to a tee.
Sasha Abramsky
Stanley Milgram would have understood this morally cretinous moment all too well.
Sasha Abramsky
I don’t know exactly what went down in the hours before Trump publicly announced a “pause” on tariffs, but it merits investigation.
Sasha Abramsky
The California governor was careful not to provoke Donald Trump after the election, but that didn’t stop the president from launching a full assault against his state.
Sasha Abramsky
Hundreds of Venezuelan men have been spirited away to a hell outside of the reach of habeas corpus rulings. It is our duty not to look away.
Sasha Abramsky
It’s only a matter of time before the administration expands its use of the Alien Enemies Act to ever-greater numbers of people from ever-greater numbers of countries.
Sasha Abramsky